Like others who track Europe-wide racism, in the early days of the Israel-Hamas war I started asking why the EU was not doing more to coordinate urgent action to stem hate crimes and hate speech against European Muslims and Jews. The response has been slow, selective and fragmented. Last month, the European Commission very rightly called out the “extraordinary levels” of antisemitic incidents across Europe.
Experience shows that since 9/11, Islamophobia has surged after every Islamist-inspired terror attack in Europe or elsewhere. After the latest horrific incident in Paris, EU leaders have a duty to try to unite European citizens, not exacerbate existing divisions.
In October, a survey by the EU’s fundamental rights agency alerted governments that people of African descent in Europe (including Muslims) faced “persistent racial discrimination, harassment and violence”. Up to 77% of people surveyed had had experiences of racial discrimination since 2016. Until very recently, however, despite these warnings and the UN description of Islamophobia as having reached “epidemic proportions” worldwide, the EU had made only passing references to the flare-up of anti-Muslim hatred across Europe.
Instead, some EU governments linked terrorism, extremism and Islam; mainstream politicians continued to embrace the rhetoric of far-right and anti-Islam politicians such as Geert Wilders; and no one called out Hungary’s Viktor Orbán for linking migration to terrorism. Disturbingly, despite a history of German far-right violence against Jews, leading figures in Germany’s Social Democrat and Green parties – encouraged by the media – implicitly held all German Muslims (and all European Muslims) responsible for the rise in antisemitism in the country. By adopting, to varying degrees, the racist, xenophobic, anti-migration and Islamophobic views of Wilders, Orbán and France’s Marine Le Pen – and despite the current volatile geopolitical situation – many mainstream European politicians appeared hellbent on amplifying a depiction of European Muslims as permanent foreigners and outsiders, stigmatised collectively for the vile actions of an extremist minority.
At the end of November, the EU finally issued a rare joint statement warning of rising Islamophobia. This welcome and long-overdue focus on anti-Muslim hatred and violence is an important indication of the work that needs to be done. Reassuringly, it shows that that there is discomfort both within EU institutions and national governments about the discrepancy between calling out antisemitism and treating Islamophobia like a footnote.
Endorsed by the European Commission, the EU’s executive arm, and a number of member states including France, Germany and the Netherlands, the declaration underlined that “antisemitism and anti-Muslim hatred are equally reprehensible” and described European Muslims as “fellow citizens”. That may sound like stating the obvious, but the wording is significant in the current context: it breaks new ground in removing ambiguity and should be an important tool for campaigners and policymakers.
The statement included a reminder to law enforcement agencies, for example, that they must “remain alert to incidents of hate crimes and hate-motivated violence against Muslims”. While none of this has legal force, it is a strong political and moral message. With the backing of the US and Canada, it sets a benchmark for the future.
But there is still a long way to go. My own research – backed up by evidence collected by multiple international and European human rights bodies – shows that anti-Muslim and orientalist narratives are embedded in “Fortress Europe” migration policies and have become entrenched in Europe’s worldview, as well as being expressed in the daily treatment of European Muslims. The blatant discrimination faced by Muslim women – including many of my friends – who wear the hijab, for example, is well documented.
The anti-Muslim narrative is contradicted by studies showing that the vast majority of European Muslims are integrated into mainstream society and are major contributors to the EU’s economic, cultural and political life. Still, winds of change have started to blow hesitantly across the “Brussels so white” ecosystem as it seeks to adapt to the reality of a multicultural, multiracial and multi-religious Europe through initiatives such as InclusivEU.
EU-wide racism is not just about the present crisis in the Middle East: it is a structural and systemic challenge that requires consistent monitoring, data collection and a collective mobilisation of European anti-racism forces. It requires one designated member of the European Commission, ideally at senior level, who has the power and authority to tackle all manifestations of racism across the bloc, instead of the current dividing-up of the anti-racism portfolio between different and sometimes competing policymakers.
With elections to the European parliament next year and clear signs that Europe is drifting steadily to the far right, Muslims and Europeans of colour are uneasy about their future. The EU’s promise to protect democratic rights and civil liberties for all is therefore progress. But it can’t be empty rhetoric; it must be followed by effective action.
Shada Islam is a Brussels-based commentator on EU affairs
Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.
