Outside a detention centre on the outskirts of Seoul, protesters gather daily in prayer circles.
“Let a miracle happen for President Yoon”, declares one person. “Lord, let the enemies see President Yoon shine so bright and be defeated”, says another.
They wave both South Korean and American flags and banners with the English words “stop the steal”, convinced that shadowy forces have corrupted their nation’s institutions and rigged its parliamentary elections, both in 2020 and 2024.
Supporters of Yoon Suk Yeol have rallied since parliament voted to impeach him in December over his failed attempt to impose martial law – protests that have grown increasingly aggressive since his arrest in mid-January and indictment on Sunday on insurrection charges.
It remains unclear how many people actually back Yoon, as opposed to supporting his party. A recent Gallup Korea survey showed his party’s support at 38%, nearly matching the opposition Democratic party’s 40%, and a separate Realmeter poll showed 46% of South Koreans were in favour of maintaining conservative rule versus 49% favouring a change in power. However, other polls suggest a majority of people favour impeachment.
The pro-Yoon movement has strong evangelical Christian elements that are intrinsically tied to cold war-era ideology, with influential populist pastors such as Jeon Kwang-hoon telling followers that their right to resist “supersedes the constitution”. The Korean Christian lobby is known to carry significant weight in political circles.
Their demands are far beyond their leader’s freedom. They are fighting what they perceive as a vast communist conspiracy, claiming that North Korea, China and their alleged sympathisers – including opposition parties – have infiltrated South Korea’s democratic institutions, and must be rooted out.
“President Yoon declared martial law to expose election fraud. It was his constitutional right”, says a female protester outside the constitutional court in Seoul, where judges are weighing whether to uphold parliament’s impeachment vote.
These kinds of unsubstantiated claims, once limited to the fringes of society, gained prominence when Yoon cited them as justification for declaring martial law in December and raiding the country’s election commission.
During Yoon’s ongoing impeachment trial, separate from the criminal investigation that led to his arrest, his lawyers cited a report from “not a major newspaper ” that “90 Chinese nationals” had been arrested at the country’s election commission on the night of martial law, and transferred to a US military base in Japan.
Seo-young Kim, a political scientist at Seoul National University, compared the rise of claims of election fraud and Chinese interference in South Korea to the deep state and “pizzagate” conspiracy theories in the United States.
“The ultimate reason is the elites themselves fuelling them by openly bringing them into the public arena. Yoon has fully declared his beliefs in election fraud, despite having had the power to lay it bare if there was any evidence,” says Kim.
“The claims about election fraud have simply been swapped out by ‘China’, now perceived as this looming threat to Korean identity and independence.”
The election commission refuted the election fraud allegations involving Chinese nationals as “entirely false”, saying that 96 people were present that night, all Korean civil servants and lecturers attending scheduled courses.
US Forces Korea also took the unprecedented step of issuing a public denial on social media, urging “responsible reporting and fact-checking to prevent the spread of misinformation”.
‘MBC journalists deserve to die’
Even traditionally conservative newspapers like the Chosun Ilbo have condemned these conspiracy theories. As protesters reject all mainstream media coverage, they increasingly turn to far-right YouTube channels for their information.
This hostility towards traditional media has created an increasingly dangerous environment for journalists.
The threats turned to violence in the early hours of 19 January when protesters stormed a Seoul court that had extended Yoon’s detention, hunting for the judge who approved the order. The riot left dozens of police officers injured and caused extensive damage. Among those arrested were several YouTubers who had livestreamed the violence. Journalists covering the chaos were attacked by mobs, with crews beaten and their equipment destroyed.
“MBC journalists deserve to die”, protesters shouted at reporters from the national broadcaster, which has been a particular target of Yoon supporters since a controversial “hot mic” incident in 2022 led to the president banning its journalists from his official plane.
“When I see people making speeches at these rallies, there’s no logic, just incitement. And watching the crowds respond, I realise these aren’t just fringe beliefs any more”, says one of its journalists, speaking anonymously due to safety concerns.
At other major broadcasters across Seoul, journalists now take extraordinary measures to protect themselves.
To blend in with the YouTubers and protesters livestreaming the events, professional cameras are replaced with selfie sticks and small handheld devices. Company logos are removed, and reporters try to disappear into the crowd.
“We’ve been instructed that if any dangerous situation arises, we must abandon coverage and evacuate immediately,” says one camera operator from a different network, also speaking on condition of anonymity.
“I feel anyone could become a victim of collective violence.”
