“Every time I hear you I feel a little bit dumber,” Nikki Haley said at the second Republican presidential primary debate last night. She was talking to Vivek Ramaswamy, the businessman currently polling at an average of about 6% among likely Republican voters. But she could have been talking about any one of the seven candidates: Haley, Ramaswamy, the Florida governor, Ron DeSantis, South Carolina senator Tim Scott, former New Jersey Governor Chris Christie, former vice-president Mike Pence and the North Dakota governor, Doug Burgum. The debate was rancorous, chaotic and punctured by statements so hateful, outlandish and extreme that they made an impression even by the current Republican party’s very low standards.
Worst of all, the whole thing was pointless: Donald Trump, who is leading in the polls by more than 40 points, was not there. The candidates, wannabes, also-rans and cynical self-promoters, spent much of the evening attacking each other. But for the most part, they did not attack him.
Donald Trump’s absence was, like in the first Republican debate, the most significant presence on the stage. As indictments, debts and civil judgements against the former president accumulate, and as his bluster and vulgarity lose their novelty and capacity to shock, there has been some suggestion that perhaps Trump will disqualify himself from running for president. Can a candidate make a credible bid for the presidency while also being charged with dozens of felonies? Can Trump persuade voters – of whom a majority have never voted for him, and who turned on him in large numbers just four years ago? These are legitimate questions, but they are questions for a general election: they are not relevant in the primary. Neither charges, nor convictions, nor legal judgments, nor mounting attorney’s fees will cause Trump to withdraw or lose significant support. His followers are immune to facts, and he is immune to shame. Barring his death, he will be the Republican nominee. His shadow loomed over the candidates onstage at the Reagan library like former Air Force One, which hung from the mezzanine above their line of gleaming podiums. One was tempted to imagine, more than once, what would happen if it fell.
The purpose of the Republican presidential primary debates, if they can be said to have one, is to begin to define the party’s post-Trump identity. But this is premature: Donald Trump is very much still the party’s gravitational center, the sun that all other Republican politicians orbit around. And so why, exactly, were any of the candidates there? Why are these people running? DeSantis, for his part, seems to have once entertained sincere delusions that he might become president, but surely those have long since waned. Chris Christie’s campaign is something of a suicide mission, an expenditure of money and effort in the hope of damaging Trump; it is not working. Nikki Haley spends much of her time on the debate stages trying to steer her party away from what she views as its unelectable fringes, primarily the charismatic incoherence of Ramaswamy’s breed of “America First” right-populism. Tim Scott, the South Carolina senator, appears to be seeking to reignite the Christian conservative sect of the party, but that lane is already crowded by the stiff and uncomfortable presence of Mike Pence, who is in the delicate position of trying to claim credit for all of Donald Trump’s accomplishments while also condemning the man who tried to get an angry mob to hang him. Doug Burgum, for his part, spent much of his time on stage complaining that everyone was ignoring him.
To their great credit, the Fox and Univision moderators did attempt to press the candidates on policy, challenges that the seven contenders on stage largely ignored. Towards the start of the debate, in response to a question about the autoworkers’ strike, several of the candidates attempted to push the claim that Republicans are becoming the party of the working class, by which they mean white men in Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin. All dodged a question about the affordability of childcare. Nikki Haley tried to attack Ron DeSantis for being insufficiently friendly to energy interests; Tim Scott attacked Nikki Haley for the curtains that hung in her official residence while she was ambassador to the United Nations.
That exchange commanded more total airtime than abortion, the issue that has driven the greatest trends in voting over the past year, but in the candidates’ brief foray into the topic, Ron DeSantis did take one of the evening’s few shots at Trump, whose anti-abortion stance he says is not extreme enough. Tim Scott, the only Black person onstage, made a point of asserting that slavery had no redeeming qualities – evidently a point that has to be made, for a Republican audience. And yet, he said, Black people survived slavery (in point of fact, many of them didn’t); worse, he suggested, was Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program.
Ramaswamy, in two of the evening’s moral nadirs, both called for the elimination of birthright citizenship and referred to “transgenderism” as “a mental disorder”. Chris Christie attacked Joe Biden for “sleeping with” a member of the teacher’s union – an evident reference to the first lady, Jill Biden, who is a community college professor. By way of a response, Mike Pence, who has been known to refer to his wife as “mother”, commented that he has been sleeping with a teacher, his own wife, for 38 years. Like the debate itself, Pence’s comment left an image in my mind that I will never be able to expunge (and now, neither will you).
If you think things cannot possibly sink lower, know that another Republican presidential debate is scheduled for November, in Miami. The presidential election is still more than a year away, but it is certain to feel much, much longer.
Moira Donegan is a Guardian US columnist
