Ten years ago this week, having recently seized power in a coup, Gen Abdel Fatah al-Sisi commanded police and troops to crack down on mostly unarmed demonstrators in central Cairo. At least 817 people died in the Rabaa massacre, and probably more than 1,000. It was not only the end of the hope for supporters of the deposed government of the Muslim Brotherhood, and for others still committed to the principle of civilian leadership despite the growing authoritarianism of president Mohamed Morsi, ousted by Gen Sisi. It was not only another blow to the optimism and excitement of the Arab spring, already fatally wounded. It was also the beginning of a new era of repression, in which Gen Sisi would prove more merciless than his predecessor Hosni Mubarak. The slaughter at Rabaa set the template for his tyranny.
Remembering the dead is all the more important when there is no foreseeable prospect of accountability for the massacre. Though Human Rights Watch believes the brutal killings are likely to constitute a crime against humanity, no member of the security forces has ever faced court over them.
Tens of thousands of political prisoners have been imprisoned over the last decade, and executions have rocketed. Dozens of alleged “terrorists” have died in what authorities portray as shootouts but rights groups believe are extrajudicial executions. Torture is rife. Mr Morsi, the only democratically elected president in Egypt’s history, died while on trial, after years of inadequate medical care.
This is the worst human rights crisis in modern Egyptian history – though “crisis” underplays its gravity, in implying a temporary situation rather than an entrenched regime of repression. Gen Sisi has silenced independent reporting, attacked civil society and cracked down on LGBTQ+ Egyptians. He deigned to stand for election in 2018, but ensured all remotely credible rivals were excluded from the contest; expect more of the same in 2024. He moots the need for fresh ideas – but under the same old leadership.
He has sold himself at home and abroad as a bulwark against Islamist extremism, and as the bringer of security and prosperity. Yet authorities have even turned schools into military bases as they intensify the offensive against militants in northern Sinai, and the economy is in tatters. The president has secured his power through a huge expansion of the military economy, driving out private businesses and enriching his cronies. He has squandered tens of billions of dollars on the new administrative capital in the desert, and run up staggering levels of debt. Of course, the pandemic and, especially, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have played their part. But 60% of Egyptians were already living near or below the poverty line in 2019 and Gen Sisi can’t even keep the lights on.
Gulf backers who poured in tens of billions of dollars to stabilise his rule are now demanding something to show in return. Yet European leaders are still compliant, with Britain ramping up trade in the wake of Brexit. It appears remarkably and shamefully reluctant to seriously press the case of the British-Egyptian activist Alaa Abd el-Fattah, still being held without consular access. Rishi Sunak gave Gen Sisi the photo opportunity he wanted with a handshake at last year’s Cop27 conference in Egypt, while the activist was close to death due to a hunger strike. The prime minister should now speak up. Ten years on from Rabaa, there is even less reason to accept Gen Sisi’s shocking record.
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