During a famous sequence in his film Aprile, the Italian director Nanni Moretti rages at the television as Silvio Berlusconi bullies a centre-left politician in debate, on his way to becoming prime minister in 1994. “React! Say something leftwing,” Mr Moretti urges the hapless socialist. “Say something that isn’t leftwing! Say anything at all!” If Mr Berlusconi’s first victorious election represented a traumatic low point for the Italian left, its current predicament is just as bleak. Last week, in regional elections in the north and south, Italy’s radical right government won even more handsomely than anticipated, albeit on a low turnout. Lombardy has always been a rightwing stronghold. But the centre-left had run the southern Lazio region for a decade.
In all, the right now runs 15 of the country’s 20 regions. Meanwhile, prime minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party has gained in popularity since the autumn election, and stands at 30% in the polls – almost double the dismal score of the centre-left Democratic party (PD). Ms Meloni is enjoying an extended honeymoon period, as her personal approval ratings approach 50%. A pragmatic decision broadly to stick to economic parameters set by her predecessor, Mario Draghi, has reassured the markets. Robust support for Ukraine’s resistance to Vladimir Putin has had the same effect in Brussels, on whose goodwill Italy depends for the full release of almost €200bn from the EU Covid recovery fund.
Italian progressives understandably fear that Ms Meloni is skilfully striking a pragmatic note, while saving for later her culture wars on issues such as LGBTQ+ rights, migration and abortion. But, in the face of such electoral dominance, what is to be done?
In a week’s time, the PD will elect a new leader following the election debacle. Barring a seismic shock, the race will be a runoff between the moderate party stalwart Stefano Bonaccini and the more radical Elly Schlein, sometimes described as Italy’s version of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Mr Bonaccini, the president of the Emilia-Romagna region, aspires to a big tent coalition containing both the populist Five Star Movement and centrist parties, including that led by former prime minister, Matteo Renzi, now deeply unpopular on the left. Ms Schlein – whose campaign was launched against a backdrop of supporters singing the resistance anthem Bella Ciao – believes the PD must present a bold “progressive, environmentalist and feminist” alternative to the challenge from the radical right.
Both approaches come with problems attached. Mr Bonaccini’s broad alliance proved impossible to forge at the last election and, if anything, seems still less likely in the foreseeable future. Ms Schlein’s emphasis on civil rights and the climate emergency is popular among the young and in liberal cities such as Milan. But the election demonstrated that the PD needs to dramatically expand its appeal beyond its comfort zones. Above all, a clear and fresh identity is needed for a party that has become associated with propping up technocratic and crisis-torn governments, as opposed to offering its own compelling vision.
After the devastating autumn defeat, the then PD leader, Enrico Letta, was justifiably criticised for running a campaign that focused too much on attacking Ms Meloni’s far-right roots and not enough on the party’s own positive message. For one of Europe’s most significant and underperforming centre-left parties, next Sunday’s leadership contest needs to be the start of rectifying that mistake.
