Starmerism has proved a political calamity, and this should be a moment for the left. Yet it is the radical right, in the shape of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, which is making all the running. Where is the Green party of England and Wales?
After all, it was the left that long warned of the Labour leadership’s serial deceit and lack of answers for a crisis-ridden country. The assault on the winter fuel payment was an austerity-driven attack on social security, and Labour ruling out tax hikes on the rich meant the new government backed itself into a corner, opting for a jump in employers’ national insurance contributions, the worst possible choice in Britain’s precarious economic circumstances.
Any critique needs two big caveats. First, to acknowledge the Green party’s success. Alongside five independent candidates, the Greens helped secure the country’s best ever overtly left-of-Labour showing at the last election, with co-leader Carla Denyer routing a Labour shadow cabinet minister in Bristol. The party has since used its platform to champion public ownership of water, oppose Israel’s genocide, and of course highlight the climate emergency. Second, to acknowledge that most of the media is rigged against the party. Rightwing newspapers ignore and detest the Greens, while the BBC always refuse to offer them anywhere near the same prominence as Farage’s various political vehicles.
But deeply unfair as Britain’s media ecosystem may be, the Greens can still make political weather. Their strength is their weakness: the Greens are too nice. The party brims with confidence in the moral righteousness of its cause, and seems to believe it can advance by patient persuasion. What’s missing, frankly, is an appreciation of class politics: that Britain is rigged in favour of wealth and power, that elites will never be convinced of redistributing either, and they must consequently be fought.
Ours is an age of fury – thanks to an unprecedented squeeze in living standards and a crumbling public realm – and that anger must be directed somewhere. The ascendant radical right would prefer it to be aimed at migrants and minorities. Starmerism is viscerally opposed to challenging that agenda by offering a challenge to wealthy elites instead – and simply responds by echoing migrant-bashing narratives, up to and including accusing the Tories of running an “open doors experiment”, language normally associated with Faragism.
The Greens, then, must surely draw different dividing lines. That means finding another target – a shameless rich elite that pays workers bad wages, offers insecure jobs, avoids taxes while Britain crumbles and damages the environment and climate. Our problem is a systemic problem, but the Greens should also point to individuals who bear much of the responsibility for perpetuating it, because offering concrete examples will resonate more with the imagination of voters. Elon Musk is an obvious example: a US-based billionaire displaying toxic interference in our politics, with polling underlining his deep unpopularity. There’s a lack of fight with the government, too: Starmerism stands in opposition to the meaningful change Britain desperately requires and opposition to its lack of action should be expressed with anger.
Part of the problem lies with the Greens’ social media strategy. Their presence is largely dire. Videos are mostly dull, badly shot, and frequently focus on parliamentary appearances that do little to engage voters’ interest. Where was their “Save Our Grannies” campaign over the winter fuel payment, with a short video offering emotional testimonies from struggling pensioners?
As things stand, the party’s communications – and thereby its social media strategy – is in the hands of Molly Scott Cato, a retired climate academic and former member of the European parliament. Within the party there is respect at her commitment – she attends every meeting – but growing frustration at her risk aversion and failure to reach broader audiences.
What the party needs is a social media professional. That will cost money, but it can easily crowdfund that by asking supporters to help them challenge Farage’s growing and lethal online dominance. Its videos should be a blend of sharp and provocative, witty or angry as necessary. They should pitch at disillusioned Labour voters – with videos telling them their old party has abandoned them and they should turn to the Greens.
The Greens came second in 40 seats, overwhelming urban Labour-held constituencies. They should be throwing all they have at these seats by identifying the key issues that come top in those areas – such as the cost of living and housing – and then running dynamic, fiery campaigns around them. Two of the four seats they won were in rural former Tory-held constituencies, which are nothing like their usual targets – but this should not distort their priorities.
Some Greens get it, such as the deputy leader, Zack Polanski, who understands that caution and playing safe in an age of rage is a doomed strategy. A new leftwing faction – Greens Organise – is determined to shift the party, but they need to move past the predictable infighting that often afflicts the left.
If the party doesn’t start picking attention-grabbing fights, then the agenda will instead be defined by Reform. Labour will happily conclude its only real pressure comes from the right, and respond accordingly. The Greens have made commendable progress, but unless they realise that playing nice is the worst possible strategy for our age, Britain will continue to sink into the same political abyss as our US cousins.
Owen Jones is a Guardian columnist
