Holding together an unruly Conservative party ultimately proved an impossible task for Boris Johnson and for Liz Truss – and now risks looking insurmountable for Rishi Sunak.
The prime minister is increasingly criticised privately by Tory MPs for being too “weak” to stand up to warring backbenchers, amid a host of briefings about him backtracking on key policies.
A bill on conversion practices was said to be in the upcoming king’s speech, before a campaign by a leading figure on the Tory right, Miriam Cates, sparked an apparent reverse ferret by the government.
Plans to boost housebuilding by axing nutrient neutrality rules have also reportedly been axed, because of the challenge of getting the legislation through parliament.
And a promise to end “no-fault evictions” also looks set to be kicked into the political long grass, in part because of widespread hostility by Tory MPs – a fifth of whom are said to be landlords.
U-turns are not necessarily more common now than under previous prime ministers, or compared with when Sunak took office.
Johnson was often criticised by colleagues for marching them all up to the top of the hill to defend a decision – before retreating. And Truss was forced to tear apart her agenda in the face of market instability and threats by MPs to vote against elements of the mini-budget.
Indeed, in the opening weeks of his premiership, Sunak backtracked on housing targets and a ban on new onshore windfarms.
The moves were designed to neutralise Tory infighting and restore some stability to the party, after its disunity contributed to toxifying the Conservative brand.
Sunak has sometimes stood up to the critics in his own party. Agreeing the Windsor framework was a risky move that No 10 feared may have led to ministerial resignations and mass rebellions – but in the end was received with almost universal fanfare.
However, Sunak’s allies acknowledge he has had to compromise on many policies.
“This isn’t his parliament; we’ve inherited a legislative programme set by Boris,” said one.
“But that changes with the king’s speech on 7 November. That is our chance to say to colleagues: ‘These are the issues we are focused on – so get behind us.’ It won’t be a wishlist.”
No 10 hopes the final state opening of parliament before the next general election will be the moment where Sunak can set the long-term political agenda – rather than be buffeted around by backbenchers.
“We’re going to put an end to the tail wagging the dog,” said one government source.
However, Tory MPs are losing faith in Sunak’s ability to wrestle back control.
“He’s increasingly weak,” said one former minister. “All the tribes jostling against one another are just gaining in confidence.”
Another vented their frustration to colleagues on WhatsApp, accusing them of using “any excuse to trash” the Conservative brand to further their own ambitions.
Sunak’s spokesperson on Monday rejected the suggestion he was being pushed around by the fringe groupings in his party.
“It’s not unusual for a government to take time to hear views from interested parties as we consider the right approach to a particular issue,” they said. “Obviously, with something like conversion therapy, this is a very sensitive and challenging area, so it’s understandable that we take time to consider.”
Part of Sunak’s challenge is that, while he wants to redraw the political battle lines so they are with Labour rather than within his own party, he cannot redraw the parliamentary party that he inherited and which remains deeply divided.
And with an ever-dwindling majority, which could continue to decline with future byelections on the horizon, the challenge of winning parliamentary battles will only grow harder.
