Although the general debate earlier this month left the Prayut Chan-o-cha government with little, if any, bruises, the time ahead will be tough for the army chief turned politician.
During the two-day session, the opposition tried to whip the government, exposing its failure in a number of forms -- the economic slump, high unemployment rate, and the prolonged Covid-19 pandemic.
The debate last week also brought to the public's attention allegations of misconduct in the 2015 suppression of a human trafficking ring that involved the smuggling of desperate Rohingya. The affair resulted in the resignation of Pol Maj Gen Paween Pongsirin, former deputy commissioner of Provincial Police Region 8.
Pol Maj Gen Paween, who headed the investigations into the human trafficking that resulted in the arrest of culprits -- some being officials -- ended up seeking asylum in Australia after he received threats.
But regardless of the controversial details that were brought into the general debate, held without a vote, the government passed the political test. Yet, that does not necessarily mean Gen Prayut is in a safe place.
In fact, several observers believe the time of reckoning will arrive in the next few months after parliament reconvenes in May when the opposition bloc will initiate a no-confidence motion.
It has been reported that some in the cabinet have expressed concerns over the delay in the two organic laws related to the elections of MPs, in case a dissolution becomes unavoidable. Gen Prayut called for a closed-door meeting with some key ministers and Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam who clarified to them legal aspects.
Meanwhile, the prime minister defiantly maintains his "no dissolution" stance.
In a worst-case scenario, he may dissolve the parliament after the Apec conference in November, when the government nearly completes its four-year tenure.
In accordance with the political timeline, the two bills will go through the third reading around May-July. Before that, all political parties want the House to remain intact. The Pheu Thai Party, which has pushed for dissolution, would rather wait until the two bills take effect as the two-ballot system will give it a much sought after political windfall, ensuring another poll landslide.
In between, Gen Prayut will have to face some tough challenges from his opponents.
To begin with, he will encounter the hurdle regarding his term in office. By August, he will have been at the helm for eight consecutive years including the time he ran the country as coup leader back in 2014. The current charter limits the time for a premiership to eight years, whether successive or not. It's likely the opposition will send the case to the charter court.
Meanwhile, veteran politician and maverick activist, Ruangkrai Leekitwattana has taken Gen Prayut and Mr Wissanu to task over the appointment of Sarawut Benjakul, then secretary-general of the Office of the Judicial Council, as a board member for the Metropolitan Electricity Authority and Prince of Songkla University. This has occurred despite how the latter still being investigated for his role in the renovation of the Phra Khanong court building that cost 43 million baht of taxpayers' money.
Such a decision is seen as a conflict of interest, against Section 186 of the charter that may cost Gen Prayut his premiership. Given the fact that Mr Sarawut is an officer in the judiciary office, his appointment by the administrative branch is interpreted as a breach of ethics.
Some politicians are of the view that such a contentious appointment requires cabinet approval; therefore the whole administration must also be held accountable.
Finally, some have said there is a possibility that Setthakij Thai, the party of Capt Thamanat Prompow, or other coalition partners, would somehow force Gen Prayut to resign ahead of a no-confidence vote, so the cabinet can still be saved.
Those scenarios, albeit difficult, cannot be ruled out. Anything can happen in politics, especially when an administration has a razor-thin majority.
What we can expect from now is heavy bargaining by several factions including the coalition partners like Bhumjaithai (BJT) and the Democrat Party.
This is probably the reason why Deputy Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and his BJT dare to flex their muscles and challenge the leadership of the government over the Green Line concession issue, plus the refusal to compromise over the legalisation of cannabis which resulted in the BJT threatening to withdraw from the coalition.
In fact, it is believed that if Gen Prayut is stripped of his premiership due to any of the above-mentioned predicaments before his tenure ends early next year, Mr Anutin might rise as his replacement.
Under the current charter, the 250-strong Senate will have to pick from the candidacy list provided by political parties. It cannot be denied that the BJT leader has the upper hand, compared to other candidates like Abhisit Vejjajiva of the Democrat Party, and Chaikasem Nitisiri of Pheu Thai.
After the extraordinary House panel finishes the scrutiny of the two bills in May, they will be sent back to the parliament for approval and once they are endorsed by concerned independent agencies, they will be announced in the Royal Gazette. By then, all political groups in and outside parliament will be pushing hard for a House dissolution.
It is anticipated also that the opposition bloc may have an agenda in not rushing for a no-confidence motion when the parliament reconvenes in May, but to instead wait until the time is ripe when all the political time bombs begin to tick.
The heat will be ramped up in August when the prime minister's controversial eight-year term will become an issue.
But Gen Prayut may survive by burying the hatchet with Capt Thamanat's faction, perhaps by offering it some cabinet seats and at the same time giving the BJT a bigger slice of political cake.
Either way, the path ahead will provide the toughest tests the general has ever had to face.
