The London Tories keep making the same mistake every four years and expecting a different result. Since the re-election of Boris Johnson as Mayor in 2012, no Conservative candidate has even achieved more than 35.3 per cent in the first round of voting. Looking at the current crop of mayoral hopefuls, it begs the question: has the party stopped to consider why?
The capital is not an impossible task for the Tories. The city has a Labour bent, but it is full of open-minded voters always on the lookout for an upgrade. If only the Conservatives would offer it. Why is it that a heavyweight candidate such as Sajid Javid, Justine Greening or Rory Stewart has no interest in seeking and even less chance of winning the Conservative nomination? Being Mayor of London is one of the best jobs in politics and, even if you don’t succeed, candidates who perform well can use it as a platform for other pursuits.
As the party of business, the Tories ought to recognise there is a gap in the market for a pro-EU, tough on crime, charismatic cheerleader for London who can take on Sadiq Khan — and win. Maybe next time.
Staying afloat ...
It takes a special kind of business acumen to run a privatised monopoly into potential insolvency. But that is the reality facing Thames Water, Britain’s largest provider.
The Government, alongside the regulator, Ofwat, is reportedly drafting contingency plans ahead of the company’s possible collapse, as concerns rise over its ability to service its £14 billion debt pile.
The cost to the taxpayer of any possible bailout could be gargantuan, dredging up memories of 2008 and the billions poured into the banks. Thames Water was already facing widespread criticism for a litany of failures, including leaks and sewage, at the same time as funnelling vast sums into executive pay and shareholder dividends. The good news is that whatever happens, water will continue to flow into homes in London and the South East. But the cost of even temporary nationalisation would be a hard one to swallow.
The age-old question
There are lies, damned lies and however old you are prepared to say you are. But thanks to some welcome statistical machinations, many South Koreans have become a year or two younger, as a new law aligns the nation’s traditional age-counting methods with international standards. Were such an age-reduction policy to make it into the Conservatives’ election manifesto, it could yet be 1992 all over again.