A marker that distinguishes the past one-year regime of Basavaraj Bommai from that of his predecessor B.S. Yediyurappa is the sharp increase in communal polarisation in Karnataka. This runs contrary to the initial expectation that Mr. Bommai would not be a “hard Hindutva” leader, given that he does not come from the Sangh Parivar stables and has socialist roots.
An early indication of the turn of events came in October 2021, when Mr. Bommai, responding to a question on “moral policing” by Hindutva groups in Mangaluru, said that “action and reaction are bound to happen when there is no morality in society”. This was seen as a statement justifying actions of Hindutva groups.
Series of campaigns
There have been a series of communal campaigns since then, starting with the hijab row in January 2022, which grabbed international headlines. It was followed by others, including the economic boycott of Muslim traders and campaigns against halal meat and azaan. The government looked the other way and in many cases Ministers supported the campaigns. Writers and intellectuals who criticised these developments have been either ignored or trolled.
The recent exercise of school textbook revision has also faced accusations of “saffronisation” and “Brahminisation” and has triggered protests. Mr. Bommai has ensured the passage of the Karnataka Protection of Right to Freedom of Religion Ordinance, 2022, (popularly called the ‘anti-conversion’ law) and has promised autonomy to temples — both long-pending demands of Hindutva groups.
A section in the BJP has been pushing the party to go for hardline Hindutva plank in the State and it has gained pace after Mr. Yediyurappa was replaced by Mr. Bommai. “We are an ideological cadre-based party that has grown in the State through lateral entries, including the incumbent Chief Minister. It is high time we converted our vote base to Hindutva, as it will free the party from over-reliance on individual leaders or a caste base,” said a senior party leader.
But what is unfolding in the State is also linked more immediately to the 2023 elections. “Given that the State government is battling anti-incumbency and allegations of corruption, Hindutva is the plank that can unite the cadre. Recent surveys held by the party have indicated that the hijab row has worked in favour of the party even beyond the traditional Hindutva pockets,” a senior party strategist said, arguing the 2023 Assembly elections was a “test case” as to whether this strategy would work for the party beyond its traditional pockets of coastal districts, Malnad, and some districts of Bombay Karnataka region.
Multiple planks
Political scientist Sandeep Shastri, Vice-Chancellor, Jagran Lakecity University, Bhopal, said the BJP had been using “multiple messaging” in Karnataka for decades now — of being an effective alternative and being anti-corruption and pro-Hindutva, besides doing social engineering etc. “Hindutva has its appeal and will work as one of the strategies, packaged with other planks. But I doubt it will have any impact beyond its traditional pockets of appeal as the only plank,” he said.
