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Crikey
Crikey
National
Chris Berg

No — taxpayers should not bail out journalism. They do so already!

Australia’s media industry is in dire straits. Amid big tech deals drying up and falling revenues in a soft advertising market, newsrooms are resorting to widespread redundancies as a stopgap. Journalists are doing more with less as outlets compete for eyeballs in a cost of living crisis. But is that your problem? Or rather, should taxpayers bail out journalism? That’s the question our debaters are throwing around in this week’s Friday Fight. Arguing the negative we have professor of economics Chris Berg. And for the affirmative corner we have Tim Burrowes, owner of the media industry newsletter Unmade.

The case for subsidising journalism is weak. The case for subsidising journalism more than we already do is incredibly weak.

The government already directly pays for journalism through the ABC ($1.1 billion in the 2022-23 budget) and SBS ($316 million). With my colleague Sinclair Davidson I am famously sceptical that public broadcasting is a good idea. (Maybe infamously.) But put the argument for privatising the ABC and SBS aside. Policy choices do not exist in a vacuum. Any case for journalism subsidies should first explain why our already significant expenditure has failed, and whether there are any ways to reform our public broadcasters to more directly align with our policy goals. There is a lot the ABC and SBS do that isn’t journalism — would some of it be better redirected?

It is true that democracy relies on a thriving public sphere, of which news and journalism are critical parts. But on this count, Australian democracy doesn’t seem to be doing too badly. In the digital age, our problem as citizens and voters is not an information deficit but an information surplus — there is an enormous amount of online and offline content about the actions of the Australian government and civil society that we can consume. Digging through that content is the real challenge. Usually, we say that governments should subsidise things if the market underprovides for them. What is underprovided here? How should we measure it?

The real struggle is within media firms. Having lost their monopoly over advertising to a richer, more diverse, and more complex digital ecosystem, they find themselves competing to produce an extremely low-margin product while trying to support their legacy, high labour and production costs. I understand that the media industry has gone through 20 years of industrial pessimism. But at the same time, there are now senior journalists who have experienced nothing but disruption and have thrived within it. Too often policymakers confuse protecting established companies with supporting what they produce.

Practical considerations also undermine the case for journalism subsidies.

Almost any policy framework to subsidise journalism favours the large players that already dominate the Australian institutional media. Crikey has been arguing for a long time that News Corp pays less tax than it ought to. Guess who the biggest private beneficiaries of subsidised journalism are?

Maybe we can imagine a way to only favour the journalism we want, or to only favour smaller firms. But a policy framework that tried to discriminate against (say) the conservative talking shop ADH TV to only fund a left-leaning equivalent would merely invite the same government interference that the ABC labours under. A government unhappy with coverage could threaten to take away a media outlet’s privileges.

Government-subsidised journalism — whether through public broadcasting, tax breaks or direct subsidies — is fundamentally misconceived. It makes civil society the handmaiden of the state, rather than the other way around.

But in an important sense, the sort of policy rationalism I’m presenting here is beside the point. The question before policymakers is not whether subsidising journalism is a good use of taxpayer funds. The question is what to do with the Morrison government’s News Media Bargaining Code now that Meta is refusing to play ball. 

The code is a legendarily outrageous example of rent-seeking in the history of Australian public policy. It is simply one sector using the government to directly extort money from another sector of the economy. And on the flimsiest pretence too: we have been asked to believe that allowing users to share news links with friends is somehow a violation of intellectual property. 

The only “bargaining” that is going on here is between the media giants and the government. Meta and Google are the objects of the bargaining, not the participants. 

The irony is that, if anything, the digital firms that are being targeted have been responsible for what has historically been the sharpest growth in the public sphere since the Gutenberg press. If democracy is first and foremost about citizen engagement, then they have been great for democracy.

Scratch the whole thing and start over. Media companies never had a natural right to advertising dollars and they have absolutely no right to funds forcibly extracted from companies in another sector. If we think the market is underproviding journalism then let’s see if our public broadcasters can spend their budgets better. At the very least, it is time to draw a line under this shameful, rent-seeking episode.

Read the opposing argument by Tim Burrowes.

Should taxpayers bail out journalism? Let us know your thoughts by writing to letters@crikey.com.au. Please include your full name to be considered for publication. We reserve the right to edit for length and clarity.

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