The Catholic church in Poland is close to an existential crisis. For one of the most Catholic countries in the world, and the homeland of Pope John Paul II, this is unprecedented. Poland is not becoming an atheist country overnight, but the trend is indisputably towards secularisation, especially among younger Poles. This will have significant political consequences for the ruling national conservative Law & Justice party (PiS), which has close ties with the church. Meanwhile, the country’s next parliamentary elections are due to take place this autumn.
The Catholic faith has long been one of the distinctive pillars of Polishness, and played an important role in the nation-making process. In times of partitions, Nazi occupation and communism, the Catholic church portrayed itself as a bastion of resistance in the long quest for Polish independence. After 1989, it regained the land and property it had lost after the second world war, with a substantial increase, and returned to a primary role in the public sphere. There were often clergymen present at various secular celebrations (such as the opening of McDonald’s restaurants) or to introduce religion classes at schools.
The church’s political power in newly democratic Poland was immediately apparent. Few parties openly opposed or contradicted it. The left was most willing to do so, but even Aleksander Kwaśniewski, the first and only leftwing president of Poland with a post-communist past, met with the pope numerous times. Since the national-conservative coalition led by PiS took power in 2015, the alliance of throne and altar has become more deeply entrenched.
Members of the government don’t hide their faith, and often participate in church celebrations. The Catholic church in Poland received a record amount of money from the public budget in the face of the crises resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic, inflation and the economic consequences of the Russian war on Ukraine. As a result of its privileged position, the church has been aggressive in promoting its conservative worldview to the wider public. The archbishop of Kraków called the LGBTQ community a “rainbow plague”, and the church’s hardline conservative stance on women’s rights clearly influenced the recent near-total ban on abortion imposed by the constitutional tribunal of Poland.
Despite the obvious political power of the Catholic church in Poland today, it may have overstepped its bounds and begun alienating more moderate citizens. Like other states in Europe, Poland was already gradually becoming more secular, especially among the young. About a quarter of all Poles do not attend church, with the proportion among those who are 35 and younger rising to one-third. Age, education and place of residence seem to be important determinants of secularisation.
But beyond the gradual trend of eroding religious belief, there is also a more critical attitude towards the church and clergy, and it’s easy to see what puts people off: intolerance, arrogance, outdated views, financial machinations and scandal. Only recently, allegations about John Paul II proactively covering up sexual predators rocked the country. The hardline views of the church, its hypocrisy and its undisguised, ongoing involvement in Polish politics have been the final straws for many.
Unsurprisingly, people identifying as left wing or liberal are most unsympathetic to the presence of religion and the church in the public space and the most are PiS voters. Meanwhile, young people do not find the overall conservative agenda appealing, often seeking out new faces in politics, or centrist, liberal and leftwing parties. In particular, young women are progressive voters. Their political awakening may stem from the assault on women’s rights, and the fact that mass protests weren’t able to reverse the decision of the constitutional tribunal on restricting access to abortion.
It seems that, through its political impact and close affiliation with the governing coalition, the Catholic church in Poland has accelerated the cultural and generational shift against religious conservatism.
Young voters are expected to turn out in large numbers in this year’s election. The stakes are high as the governing national-conservative coalition, backed by the church, is facing soaring inflation, high energy prices and the ongoing clash with Brussels over the rule of law. Meanwhile, the liberal and leftwing opposition demands reconciliation with the EU, and the far-right calls for a libertarian economic agenda and an even harder line on women’s and LGBT rights. It remains to be seen if people will use a vote against PiS to express their frustration with the church, and if less religiously conservative youth will bring about the change in power.
Dr Maria Skóra is a research associate at Institut für Europäische Politik, and a policy fellow at the Berlin-based thinktank Das Progressive Zentrum. She writes on politics for Social Europe and POLITYKA
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