Photograph: Guy Bell/REX/Shutterstock
Labour’s thumping majority has transformed the end-of-days atmosphere in the House of Commons under the clapped-out Conservatives into one of buzzy optimism.
It’s a much more diverse parliament, with the highest number of Muslim MPs ever. As one such MP, back for a fourth term, I was sufficiently emboldened to swear my oath of allegiance on the Qur’an, having previously chosen the atheist affirmation.
But as the euphoria subsides, some nagging concerns persist. Not all our former parliamentary colleagues were returned. Victims of Labour’s now changed but poorly communicated stance on Gaza included two shadow cabinet ministers as well as less well-known backbenchers: personal tragedies all.
In west London, I faced my toughest campaign in this year when we won big. Public hustings where all candidates present themselves to be quizzed by voters are an election staple. I’ve always honoured all invites (a record 13 in 2015) but I understand why this time some candidates refused to participate in any.
I was constantly barracked throughout all of mine, with accusations of genocide being hurled at me despite the fact that I was one of 56 Labour MP Gaza rebels. I have served on a delegation to Palestine, which is an experience that makes you want to speak up. And I voted for a ceasefire before it was fashionable, ie Labour party policy.
The continuous and creepy filming by the Workers party during one meeting – including following me out to feed the social media narrative that I was “chased away” – meant I was trapped in a stand-off after the next hustings, waiting for the coast to be clear to leave.
Stating my record to audiences of hostile plants meant it fell on deaf ears. The complex situation of Gaza has shown that we live in times where there is little room for nuance or understanding. My reference to Hamas’s foundational charter triggered peak apoplexy. Why listen to explanations if you’re only interested in branding Labour as supporters of genocide?
While the SNP’s motion calling for an immediate ceasefire last November took on an almost litmus test significance in the media, the vote amounted to very little outside parliamentary game-playing. An opposition day motion can never force the government’s hand in reality. I backed it nonetheless in full knowledge that the public would not see it that way.
People are understandably upset; I am too. Many tens of thousands of women and children have been killed but we are being undermined by a selfish, angry minority who refuse to listen to reason. Ditto Just Stop Oil, who may have laudable aims but employ deeply off-putting tactics. We all want an immediate ceasefire. How is it helping to personalise and intimidate? People in Gaza are being killed and all the toxic, single-issue fringe want to do is smear and sneer. Two MPs have been killed in my time in parliament – the logical conclusion of whipping up a hate-filled frenzy.
Encouragingly, Labour has in its first few days indicated positions far stronger than the Conservatives ever did on a ceasefire, Palestinian recognition and Netanyahu’s ICC arrest warrant.
I scored my biggest majority yet in the election, but am fully aware there is much to do to rebuild trust and confidence, not just with “Muslims” (themselves comprising multiple communities) but with many segments of the electorate and in politics as a whole.
The work starts here. But when your interlocutors have their fingers in their ears, it’s going to be a hard job.
