No land was distant for Kerala even in the pre-Internet era. Every earth-shaking global political development caused mild tremors in the State thanks to its globe-trotting population and tryst with progressive political movements.
It was only natural, therefore, that Palestine and India’s position on the Israeli war in Gaza came under discussion in Kerala in the run-up to the elections.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which conflated it with the anti-Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) protests, sought to slyly portray it as support to Hamas as it would add muscle to its argument about Kerala as ‘a breeding ground of terror’.
Meanwhile, its parleys with Church leaders increased in frequency. A section of the Church too played along, and even as the ‘love jihad bogey’ got reactivated, the violent communal hostilities in Manipur permeated the discussions as a counternarrative. “The northeast, after all, is not unfamiliar to Malayalis. It’s close to us,” as a former priest put it.
With electioneering set to close in a day now, a factually erroneous speech made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi targeting the Muslim community in faraway Rajasthan has become a talking point in teashops, WhatsApp groups, on social media and at political rallies.
The Muslim question is critical in this election and while the community, which forms a little over 18% of the electorate in Kerala, isn’t a monolithic vote bank, a consolidation will be decisive in swinging the poll outcome in most constituencies in northern Kerala.
The Left front has been articulate about the threats of the CAA and the Uniform Civil Code for some time now and is known to traditionally enjoy the support of the powerful faction of Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, an outfit of Islamic clergy, led by Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliar. It is also supported by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in this election.
The Left Democratic Front (LDF) goes a step further when talking about CAA, presenting it as a minority question: “Once you start distribution of citizenship based on religion, what makes you think it will stop with the Muslims?”
Stung by criticism over its omission of the CAA question from its manifesto, the Congress finally said it would repeal the Act if voted to power. It is banking on the traditional strengths of the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) to reach out to the community.
While the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), which brandishes the religious identity of Muslims, announced its support to the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Congress, the front chose to decline it.
It is a test of strength for the IUML in the northern districts in the same way in which the contest in Kottayam puts to test the influence of Kerala Congress (M) and Kerala Congress in the Christian community in the district. In Pathanamthitta, the Mar Thoma, Orthodox and Pentacostal votes could turn the tables for the major fronts.
The Bharath Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), a BJP ally that’s contesting four seats in Kerala, hopes to consolidate Ezhava votes in central Travancore for the NDA.
In the last one month of campaigning, while the overarching narratives for the LDF and the UDF stayed true to the proclaimed aim of the INDIA grouping nationally, namely consolidating the secular votes for a more democratic and federal India, their fight has been marred by vitriol and slander, giving the BJP, still a minion in the State, a chance to leverage it eyeing electoral gain in other parts of the country.
The Left accused the Congress of failing to arrest the outflow of its leaders to the BJP while the Congress sought to capitalise on the anti-incumbency against the State government.
With Rahul Gandhi insinuating a secret pact between the CPI(M) and the BJP asking why Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan was spared by the Enforcement Directorate, a heated exchange broke out between the CPI(M) and the Congress.
Mr. Modi, too, raised similar charges against Mr. Vijayan and the CPI(M) during campaigning.
But there were more immediate issues that were discussed by the people in the last one month. For instance, in most districts with forest cover, increasing instances of human-animal conflict remain a major concern and a poll issue.
Interestingly, both major fronts have offered interventions to amend the wildlife Act of 1972 to allow sustainable population control of wild animals. Resentment was palpable among settler-farmers and the church in Idukki district when The Hindu toured the district a week ago.
“Procedural complexities have made it almost impossible to shoot down crop-raiding wild boars, declared as vermin by the State. Crop loss is a reality, forcing the farmers to sell off land and relocate. Better not to speak about attacks by elephants and other predators,” was the familiar refrain.
The delay in the payment of welfare pensions, paucity of essential goods in State-run Supplyco stores and overseas migration of the youth for higher studies and seeking permanent domicile (many people acknowledge it as an all-India problem) were all discussed by the State’s voters in the last one month.
Some constituencies such as Vadakara and Thiruvananthapuram witnessed a fierce fight between candidates over smear campaigns and accusations of trying to influence voters using unsavoury means, leading to litigation, police complaints and verbal skirmishes.
There were debates on political violence in the wake of a blast in Panoor. Fringe players on the election scene sought to queer the pitch for candidates by levelling allegations of corruption. Even the celebratory Thrissur Pooram came to be used for electoral again, with the postponement of customary fireworks triggering an explosion of vote-seeking sentiments.
The din and bustle of electioneering will ascend and die out on Wednesday. The UDF’s bet is on anti-incumbency against the State government. The thrust, for the LDF, is on secularism and Constitutional values. And the BJP is going after church-goers.
