Since Ghana returned to democracy in 1992, the country has held nine consecutive elections In all these elections ethnicity and religion have played a role, even though the country’s constitution bars the explicit use of social identities in party politics.
For the first time in over three decades, the 2024 elections had two politicians from different religions leading the biggest parties. One a Muslim, Mahamudu Bawumia, and another a Christian, John Mahama. Bawumia, the current vice president, leads the incumbent New Patriotic Party while Mahama, himself a former president, leads the National Democratic Congress.
The Conversation Africa’s Godfred Akoto Boafo speaks to political scientist Thomas Prehi Botchway who has researched and written on religion and ethnicity in Ghanaian politics and their impact on electoral outcomes in Ghana
How important is religion in Ghana’s elections?
Ghana like most countries on the African continent is religiously pluralistic. This means that there is a diversity of religious belief systems that co-exist in society. The country’s recent census indicates that about 71.3% of Ghanaians identify as Christians while about 19.9% are Muslims. These two religions thus constitute the overwhelming majority in the country.
Religion promotes civic engagement in democratic societies. It serves as an effective platform for mobilisation. Both the fortunes and misfortunes of political parties, particularly during elections, can be decided by religion.
Since 1992, when Ghana returned to democratic, constitutional rule, the two dominant religions have been represented in powerful positions within political parties. Candidates spend a lot of their time visiting churches and mosques canvassing for votes.
Religious balance in the selection of a candidate and his running mate, especially for the two biggest parties is a given. The arrangement weighs in favour of a Christian, the dominant religious group, as the lead candidate. The December 2024 election is the first time a Muslim led one of the two major parties, with a Christian running mate. Ghana is yet to have a president from the other religious groups.
Religion plays an important role in elections because religious groups have stood against brutalities of military regimes in the past. They’ve also played an active role in social justice issues.
Moreover, during elections, religious leaders and politicians use various religious platforms, such as church services or mosque meetings, to engage the citizenry in several ways. They use them as an important platform to appeal to political leaders, parties and youth to desist from actions that could disturb the peace.
How important is ethnicity in Ghana’s elections?
With over 70 ethnic groups spread across Ghana’s 16 administrative regions, ethnicity is critical to electoral outcomes. Of Ghana’s total population of 30 million, over 47% are Akans. The Mole-Dagbani, Ewe, Ga-Dangbe, constitute 16.6%, 13.9%, and 7.4% respectively. The two parties that have won elections in Ghana since 1992 are mainly built around these ethnic groups. Four of the last five heads of state and their vice presidents have come from within these groups.
The two dominant political parties (New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress) have always been cautious not to have a presidential candidate and a running mate from the same ethnic group or even region. The two parties also derive their strength from the dominant groups. The New Patriotic Party for example has its power base among the Akans. The National Democratic Congress relies on the Ewe and other relatively smaller ethnic groups (including some Akan societies).
Ethnicity and religion still have a massive influence on electoral outcomes in Ghana, despite the fact that the laws of the land prohibit the formation of political parties along these lines.
Is there evidence of religion and ethnicity’s impact on election outcomes in Ghana?
The evidence is quite clear. When diverse ethnic groups feel that one of their own is in the spotlight, they tend to show solidarity.
For example in the 1954 elections, apart from the Convention Peoples Party led by Kwame Nkrumah, all other parties that contested represented either ethnic, religious or regional interests. The formation of the National Liberation Movement, which favoured a federal system as a condition for independence from Britain after the 1954 elections, epitomised identity politics in Ghana. This is because it was a party founded by Asantes to pursue an ethnocentric agenda rather than a national one.
Today, the Ashanti region has always voted heavily for the New Patriotic Party, a party whose heritage is tightly linked to the region. They have never lost the region in an election. The National Democratic Congress gets a chunk of its electoral support from the Volta region, the home of its founder, Jerry Rawlings. Election data from 1992 shows the two parties have never lost those regions and their strength there keeps growing.
What is the way forward?
As Ghana’s democracy grows, there is the need to minimise political ethnicisation (when politics becomes influenced or shaped by ethnic groups) and excessive religious-oriented partisan politics in Ghana. If not properly managed, it can lead to ethnic and religious clashes, especially during electioneering periods.
It is recommended that religious and traditional leaders must always make conscious efforts to promote peaceful and decorous campaigns. In fact, it is a must for ethnic and religious leaders to stay away from partisan politics.
Moreover, there is the need for political leaders to avoid inciting ethnic groups against one another. Those who commit such offences must be dealt with by the law. There is also the need for intensive civic education by both state institutions and civil society organisations with the support of relevant development partners and societal groups.
Thomas Prehi Botchway does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
