Admiral Pierre Vandier, chief of the French Navy, is on a fence-mending visit to the US this week. It is the first high-level military contact between US and French military leaders.
Things turned sour last year after the Australia, the UK and the US formed the Aukus "trilateral security partnership" on 15 September, resulting in Canberra dumping an 8 billion dollar French submarine deal in favor of an American company.
Political fences were mended during the G-20 meeting in Rome at the end of October, when French President Emmanuel Macron and his US counterpart Joe Biden "reaffirmed their support for strengthening the Nato-EU strategic partnership".
The news came in an joint statement that underscored "the strength of the longstanding and historic relationship" between the two countries.
According to Pierre Morcos, a visiting fellow with the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington DC and author of the study "France: A Bridge between Europe and the Indo-Pacific?" Vandier’s trip aims to reboot France’s cooperation with the US Navy, and increase French-US cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.
“Paris and Washington managed to overcome the (Aukus) crisis and to come out stronger,” he says.
"Overall the submarine setback did not “alter the day-to-day military cooperation between the French and US armed forces, which was always excellent."
The strategic partnership between Paris and Canberra is now limited because of these political tensions.
PODCAST: Pierre Morcos, visiting fellow CSIS
However the French-Australian relationship remains poor after the submarine fallout hampered growing momentum between France and countries of the Quadrilateral Dialogue – the US, Japan, India and Australia – who were involved in joint excercises.
The loose was alliance designed to reign in the perceived growth of China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea.
“Clearly, the strategic partnership between Paris and Canberra is now limited because of these political tensions,” says Morcos.
Patrolling the Black Sea
But the submarine spat is just a lover’s quarrel: the allies have larger problems at hand.
According to the US State Department, Russia has gathered over 100,000 troops along the border of Ukraine, while Moscow announced it will start joint military exercises with Belarus from February 10-20.
There is growing fear in the US and its allies that Russia, in spite of Moscow’s denials, may have plans to invade Ukraine.
As a counterweight, said Admiral Vandier at a CSIS online interview on Monday, a French carrier group will be deployed later this month in the Mediterranean, and some will cross through the Dardanelles into the Black Sea.
Russian ships are also active in the Mediterranean as Moscow has a port in the Syrian city of Tartus. The French deployment will be a “signal” towards Russia, according to Morcos, that the Mediterranean “is an important and strategic area for France and its allies”.
Going into the Black Sea, home to Russia’s Black Sea Fleet that headquarters at the Crimea Peninsula – snatched away from Ukraine in 2014 – maybe an even stronger signal.
“It is aimed at reassuring Nato allies in that region, which are at the forefront of the current tensions with Russia, and to showcase Nato's presence in the Black Sea,” says Morcos.
However, ships that don’t belong to countries that aren’t bordering the Black Sea can only stay for 21 days, according to the 1936 Montreux Convention, which was designted“to avoid a concentration of naval power in that part of Europe.”
Cruising the Pacific
On the other side of the world, France is suspicious about China’s increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea.
“The Indo-Pacific region is critical for France because it is an Indo-Pacific nation,” according to Morcos. Overseas territories cover islands such as Mayotte, Tahiti and vast expanses of water.
“We have more than 1.6 million citizens living there, so this is a question of national security and sovereignty.”
Recently, France took part in joint exercises with India and Japan in the region.
“The goal is to balance the growing Chinese presence in the region and to signal to Beijing that, like many countries across the region, we are willing to compete with China and to enforce the rule-based order.”
But all the maneuvering costs money.
Vandier complained that he had seen the French navy budged “halved” during his more than 30 year long career. It “now lacks certain naval assets [going into] the future” despite operational demands that it remains a strong global presence, he says.
Main areas of competition between global powers are “maritime, cyberspace and space”, Vandier says, pointing out that oceans are closely linked to cyberspace as they host the crucial undersea data cables connecting the global internet.
The alarm bell was first heard with the 2013 French “White Paper on Defence and National Security,” which mapped out the areas of concern.
Only five years ago, French authorities acknowledged that budget cuts “were not sustainable” according to Morcos, as they caused continuous restraints. The trend was reversed and Jane’s Defence Weekly reported that France has continued to raise defence spending.
The 2022 budget approved by the Council of Ministers in September will reach 40.9 billion euros, a 1.7 billion euro increase over 2021, with 23.7 billion for equipment, 12.6 billion for salaries, and 4.6 billion for operating costs.
In addition, 1.2 billion euros will be reserved for overseas operations, mainly ‘Barkhane' in Africa.
But even with this boost, says Vandier, “gaps will not be filled until 2029.” He added that across-the-board modernisation of France’s Navy would require a long-term “high-level of investment” to keep pace with competitors’ technological advances.
“That will require choices,” he said.
