For the past decade, Syrian kleptocrat and dictator Bashar Assad has seen himself ostracized by much of the world. In areas controlled by his regime, he used torture to sow terror in the hearts of the Syrian people through the Mukhabarat, a network of intelligence services. In opposition-held areas, he used lethal chemical weapons to target civilians, an atrocity verified by United Nations-backed investigations. Assad has rightly been condemned and isolated for these human rights abuses.
Then came the earthquakes.
Following the disaster, countries that previously kept their distance from Assad began to change course. The president of Egypt called Assad directly to offer condolences and support. It was their first-ever direct exchange. Though Egypt has sought to improve relations with Assad’s regime in recent years, direct contact at the highest level reveals a more fundamental shift in attitudes.
Egypt’s shift could also lead to a turnabout at the Arab League, where the incumbent secretary-general was once Egypt’s longtime foreign minister. The Arab League suspended Syria’s membership in 2011 when Assad brutally suppressed pro-democracy demonstrations. If the Arab League reverses its prior decision, it would grant Assad crucial legitimacy on the world stage.
Yet, there is an even more glaring act of reengagement with Assad emerging in the past week. In an unprecedented move since the civil war began, Saudi planes landed at Aleppo International Airport — controlled by Assad’s regime — to deliver aid.
The Saudi government was once so determined at toppling the Syrian ruler that it named Prince Bandar bin Sultan to spearhead the effort in 2013. To fully grasp the weight of Prince Bandar’s appointment, one can think of the weight of onetime Secretary of State Dean Acheson in the U.S. Therefore, this recent public outreach and assistance from the Saudi government is a stunning turn of events in favor of Assad.
The time has come for the U.S. and its allies to act to prevent Assad from leveraging the suffering of the Syrian people after the quakes for his own political gain. After all, Assad is the very person responsible for much of the suffering Syrians experienced throughout his family’s dynastic autocracy.
We the public should call on President Joe Biden to rally European and Gulf Cooperation Council countries to devise a road map, ensuring timely aid for the Syrian people while maintaining the legitimacy of the Syrian opposition’s main body.
During then-President Barack Obama’s administration, America and the Gulf states recognized the Syrian opposition’s National Council as the “legitimate representative of the Syrian people.” It was a diplomatic triumph then, and we have no reason to step away from that milestone now. A joint statement from the U.S. and the Gulf states is now warranted, more than ever, to reaffirm that the international community should not regard Assad as Syria’s legitimate ruler.
To convince the rest of the international community to avoid providing aid through the Assad regime, it is essential for the United States to highlight the economic and human rights violations concerns. Rampant corruption and manipulation have defined Assad’s management of humanitarian aid since the inception of the civil war.
The regime has set up affiliated “charities,” such as the Syria Trust for Development founded by Assad’s wife, as the designated recipient of humanitarian aid. The opaque nature of such a complex patronage system disrupts international oversight within Syria. In addition, Assad has repeatedly weaponized access to people hurt by humanitarian emergencies, especially those suffering from indiscriminate attacks committed by his own forces.
The U.S. should spearhead aid deliveries, in coordination with the opposition’s National Council, into the hands of the Syrian people directly. The first priority is to coordinate with European allies to devote resources to repairing the infrastructure leading to the Bab al-Hawa border crossing between Turkey and Syria. Then, the Western alliance can identify and send aid to trusted entities on the ground.
Policymakers should also think outside the box when it comes to aid and work with Gulf countries to support job creation and promote economic opportunities in opposition-held areas. By providing, for instance, life skills and job training to Syrians, especially young people, the U.S. can enhance longer-term stability in these areas beyond the earthquakes. Only when infrastructure and economic reconstruction are pursued can the Syrian people see a glimmer of hope.
In the face of a humanitarian crisis of this magnitude, our priority must be to help all of the Syrian people who are experiencing trauma. It may be tempting for some to temporarily gloss over Assad’s appalling record of corruption and human rights abuses and insist on an emergency partnership. Yet, the purpose of seeking justice for all those suffering in Syria precisely leads us to the duty of seeking accountability for Assad.
For a start, let’s prevent Assad from using earthquake aid for his political gain.
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ABOUT THE WRITER
Bincheng Mao is an agenda contributor at the World Economic Forum. He writes on human rights and economic justice.
