Despite Kevin Rudd’s assurances last week that his team is “ready” to work with Donald Trump’s incoming administration, his precarious ambassador position in Washington demonstrates the risks of political appointments.
Rudd was undoubtedly well qualified for the ambassadorship under the previous Biden administration: he has foreign affairs experience and extensive political experience, including as an Australian prime minister; is a fluent Mandarin speaker; and has specialized in a range of international studies. However, this has not prepared him for an unpredictable Trump administration.
Most politicians have fixed opinions about policy options, and their capacity to accept opposing views is often limited. Australian political debates occur most commonly in a rigid environment where negotiation and compromise are regarded as signs of weakness. Consequently, it is harder for senior politicians to consider alternative policy agendas and adapt a nuanced diplomatic position in international discussions.
Like Trump himself, Rudd is also an enthusiastic social media commentator, and some of his past personal observations about the returning US president — a number of which were posted on Twitter, since deleted — are unacceptable within diplomatic circles.
Australians may need to be reminded that we have a professional workforce of career diplomats working in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, professionals who gain expertise in a variety of cultures and complex issues in international relations — and work in a variety of positions in Canberra — before being considered for posting to other countries.
Despite this extensive in-service training of career diplomats, Australian governments frequently appoint politicians with scant special diplomacy skills to represent the nation overseas. Critics argue that elected members and senators representing either the Liberals or the ALP are not necessarily familiar with world affairs, and many would doubt their capacity to be diplomatic.
Government leaders often make ambassadorial appointments when rewarding former ministers. These appointments are criticised as “jobs for the boys” — and indeed very few women have been anointed with this benefit. (We have yet to see a minor party or independent political appointment, so the partisan nature of this process reinforces the view that diplomacy should be about more than mateship.)
Such political appointments can take advantage of the particular skills or experience of former parliamentarians, particularly in the case of former treasurers, ministers or prime ministers. However, it must be frustrating for career diplomats to be overlooked when their political masters prefer familiar former parliamentarians instead of professionals with years of experience in diplomacy and international relations.
The Lowy Institute shows that political appointments are increasing, and former politicians currently head our diplomatic missions in Washington, London and Dublin. Political appointments rarely have bipartisan support, too, and we’ve seen Peter Dutton further entrench the debate about Ambassador Rudd’s future by reminding the community his appointment was Anthony Albanese’s “captain’s pick”. This ties the prime minister to remain loyal to Rudd despite the prospect that the Trump administration may demand a diplomatic replacement.
Perhaps it is time for Australian governments to seriously examine how highly they rate diplomacy in their management of foreign policy. Since its early role at the formation of the United Nations in 1945, Australia has a proud tradition of taking a leading role in key initiatives like peacekeeping missions and the Chemical Weapons Treaty. However in recent years, our governments have lost interest in being proactive as a middle power, preferring more to line up with old allies than assert our independence in foreign and defence policy.
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