"Sinn Féin is playing a blinder!" That was the reaction one person gave to me as we casually discussed the party's approach to the death of Queen Elizabeth II.
And it is not hard to reach that conclusion. In its tributes to the Queen, the republican party has been cordial and respectful.
Ten years ago it would have been unthinkable to see Sinn Féin describing the late monarch as a "courageous and gracious leader".
Read more: With the Queen's passing, the Union faces a more uncertain future
But the Queen's historic visit to the Republic in 2011, in which she won praise for acts of reconciliation, laid the groundwork for change.
For many diehard republicans the wall-to-wall coverage of her death and the accession of the new King Charles III will still be difficult.
Sinn Féin joining a memorial service at St Anne's Cathedral in Belfast in which "God Save The King" was bellowed to the ceiling will stick in many a comrades' throat.
It is clear however the party is stretching itself and its supporters while also maintaining some boundaries, such as avoiding events surrounding the accession proclamation.
As political commentator Chris Donnelly observed, this is partly to do with Sinn Féin positioning itself to lead the next Irish government.
With Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald on the cusp of becoming Taoiseach after the Republic's next election, the party wants to show voters it has the statesmanship and pragmatism necessary for high office.
It is also partly about advancing republican aspirations for a united Ireland.
How Sinn Féin has conducted itself this week will be lapped up by unaligned middle-ground voters who nationalists need to persuade if they ever hope to achieve a border poll result backing Irish unity.
If a snap Stormont Assembly election is called in December, the scenes of the past week can only help the party broaden its voter base.
While Sinn Féin was reaching out, political unionism on the other hand appeared chastened, humiliated and bitter.
The King's meeting with Sinn Féin vice-president Michelle O'Neill and DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson had the type of cringe-comedy value akin to a Ricky Gervais sketch.
After Charles greeted Ms O'Neill with a warm handshake and they recalled previous meetings, he asked, "What are you now, the biggest party?", and laughing he added: "All this skill and ingenuity."
Turning to Sir Jeffrey the monarch did not appear to be aware they were meeting in the DUP leader's Westminster constituency of Lagan Valley.
"Oh it's here is it? Marvellous. Because I have seen you occasionally? I think, in the past," the new King said to Sir Jeffrey, who has been an MP for 25 years.
Sir Jeffrey later sidestepped media questions about the prominence of Sinn Féin in events, instead welcoming the involvement of all the main Stormont parties as a "sign of progress".
But the likes of former DUP leader Arlene Foster and TUV leader Jim Allister, who criticised media focus on Sinn Féin, hinted at an undercurrent of unionist fury at being upstaged and outmaneuvered.
Political unionism only has itself to blame. While it is easy to demonise the press, it is a consequence of the DUP blocking Stormont over Brexit's Northern Ireland Protocol which made Sinn Féin's role much more pronounced.
If power-sharing had been restored, it would have been a DUP Assembly Speaker delivering a message of condolence on behalf of the people of Northern Ireland.
King Charles would likely have met the first and deputy first ministers jointly at Parliament Buildings, rather than a line-up of party representatives one by one at Hillsborough Castle.
During their exchanges, the King also questioned Sir Jeffrey on his party's position on the protocol. The DUP leader told him there were positive sounds coming from the EU side and he was hopeful matters would "progress".
It will become clear in a few weeks’ time whether for the DUP, a new monarch will now herald a new approach to the impasse.
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